WashPost: Joe Biden’s Deputies Open the Borders to Young Migrants

Migrants hold a demonstration demanding clearer United States migration policies, at San Ysidro crossing port in Tijuana, Baja California state, Mexico on March 2, 2021. - Thousands of migrants out of the Migrant Protection Protocol (MPP) program are stranded along the US-Mexico border without knowing when or how they will …
Photo by GUILLERMO ARIAS/AFP via Getty Images

President Joe Biden’s deputies are not trying to slow, contain, or reverse the rising wave of poor young migrants crossing into the United States, according to the Washington Post.

“The [administration] measures are aimed at accommodating the increase, not to contain it or change the upward trend,” the March 7 article said about the rising number of children and teenagers who are delivered to the border by coyotes. The article is headlined, “Biden administration rushes to accommodate border surge, with few signs of plans to contain it.”

The report continued:

President Biden will soon send top advisers to the border to assess the inflow and report back their findings, the White House said Friday. Although Department of Homeland Security officials have warned internally that the largest migration wave in more than two decades could arrive in the coming months, Biden officials have not said publicly what new legal or enforcement tactics they are considering, if any, to slow it.

The newspaper reported that “most adult migrants are turned away, unaccompanied minors are allowed to stay, as are some families with young children.”

The newspaper did not explain what “turned away” means or what “most” means.

Under rules set by President Donald Trump, many migrants caught at the border were quickly flown 1,700 miles back to their homes in Central America. Trump also rejected nearly all teenage or child migrants and quickly flew them home.

Most of the accepted “unaccompanied minors” are teenagers seeking child-labor jobs in the United States.

But the Post did mention later that “the number of [adult] migrants observed on surveillance cameras who successfully evade capture, known as ‘got-aways,’ has also soared. Officials said they counted 1,000 got-aways on a single day last month.”

Biden’s deputies say they are willing to deport adult migrants who recently entered the country. But there is little evidence that agencies are using their authority to deport recent migrants. For example, USA Today reported that officials did not detain several of the illegal migrants who were released from the hospital after they survived a March 4 collision between their packed SUV and a truck:

Mario Beltran Mainero, press officer for the Mexican Consulate in Calexico, said at least one of the six families they located is in San Diego; the remaining families are in Mexico. Four Mexican nationals injured in the crash were released from the hospital in El Centro on Tuesday, but they were not in federal custody, he added.

The Washington Post spotlighted the contrast with Trump’s response when he was faced with a huge inflow of almost one million migrants in 2019. Trump quickly overruled his business allies, threatened aggressive action against Mexico, and created new mechanisms that broke the conveyor belt of migrants by preventing them from getting jobs in the United States.

“The difference between that [2019] crisis and the current influx is the Trump administration had teams of attorneys, border officials, and senior White House aides, including Stephen Miller, planning enforcement strategies to shut the border to asylum seekers,” the Post reported.

The Post suggested that Biden may reverse course as more migrants rationally take advantage of the open border.

However, Biden appointed Alejandro Mayorkas to run the border agencies. Mayorkas is an immigrant from Cuba and a determined advocate for more migration. He is backed by a wide range of business groups and their progressive advocacy allies.

For years, a wide variety of pollsters have shown deep and broad opposition to legal and illegal labor migration and the inflow of temporary contract workers into jobs sought by young U.S. graduates.

The multiracialcross-sexnon-racistclass-basedintra-Democratic, and solidarity-themed opposition to labor migration coexists with generally favorable personal feelings toward legal immigrants and toward immigration in theory — despite the media magnification of many skewed polls and articles that still push the 1950s corporate “Nation of Immigrants” claim.

The deep public opposition is built on the widespread recognition that both legal and illegal migration moves money from employees to employers, from families to investors, from young to old, from children to their parents, from homebuyers to real estate investors, and from the central states to the coastal states.

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