Mass immigration from the Third World would destroy the NRA and ultimately the Second Amendment, a Washington Post op-ed declares, as foreigners with no cultural connection to America continue to pour into the nation at an unprecedented rate.
“Support for, and opposition to, gun control is closely associated with several demographic characteristics, including race, level of education and whether one lives in a city. Nearly all are trending forcefully against the NRA,” author and UCLA professor Adam Winkler writes. “The core of the NRA’s support comes from white, rural and relatively less educated voters. This demographic is currently influential in politics but clearly on the wane. While the decline of white, rural, less educated Americans is generally well known, less often recognized is what this means for gun legislation.”
Thus extreme levels of immigration ratcheted up — but never reduced — by the U.S. government would not only disenfranchise voters that disagree with the progressives’ consolidation of power. The growth in the immigrant population would also likely disarm these voters in the near future, especially those who lean Republican.
The millions of foreigners the U.S. government voluntarily imports each year can be counted on to vote en-masse in favor of unconstitutional restrictions on the right to keep and bear arms, Winkler explains:
Polls show that whites tend to favor gun rights over gun control by a significant margin (57 percent to 40 percent). Yet whites, who comprise 63 percent of the population today, won’t be in the majority for long. Racial minorities are soon to be a majority, and they are the nation’s strongest supporters of strict gun laws.
The fastest-growing minority group in America is Latinos. Between 2000 and 2010, the nation’s Latino population grew by 43 percent. Hispanics, which make up 17 percent of the population today, are expected to grow to 30 percent of the population in the coming decades.
Gun control is extremely popular among Hispanics, with 75 percent favoring gun safety over gun rights.
Asian Americans also represent a growing anti-gun demographic. Although only about 5 percent of the population today, the Asian American population is predicted to triple over the next few decades. A recent poll of Asian American registered voters found that 80 percent supported stricter gun laws.
Rural Americans tend to oppose gun control, with 63 percent saying that gun rights are more important than gun control. The country, however, is becoming less rural and more urban. Recent years have witnessed a significant increase in the number of people living in cities, with big metropolitan areas experiencing double-digit growth.
Of course, the NRA will continue to fight, and fight hard, against gun control. But the heart of the organization’s power is the voters it can turn out to vote, and they are likely to decline in number. Unless the organization begins to soften its no-compromises stance on gun safety legislation, it’s likely to become increasingly marginalized in a changing America.
To date, no GOP candidate has explicitly connected mass immigration to restricted gun rights. The Republican National Committee says that opening up the border so Big Business can loot the working and middle classes is worth losing the imported, big-government-loving Hispanic vote by 73 percent. But an architect of the modern conservative movement, Phyllis Schlafly, warned in 2013 that while many whites grew up in relatively safe rural areas learning how to handle guns, immigrants come from chaotic countries where violence is the norm and authoritarian governments clamp down on ownership.
Nate Silver, formerly of the New York Times, pointed out shortly after the 2012 election that the 2008 presidential exit poll (the question was not asked in 2012) found that 47 percent of whites, 29 percent of Hispanics, 21 percent of blacks, and 15 percent of Asians owned a gun. Silver also observed, “Whether someone owns a gun is a more powerful predictor of a person’s political party than her gender, whether she identifies as gay or lesbian, whether she is Hispanic, whether she lives in the South or a number of demographic characteristics.” [Emphasis added.]
One of the reasons whites have such a strong commitment to gun rights is the much larger share who own them. The reason for this is that a much larger share of whites live in rural America or have roots there and are thus familiar with firearms in a way that is less common among urbanites. Asians and Hispanics in contrast are settling in cities and the suburbs where hunting and gun ownership are much less widespread. And they are coming from countries where firearms ownership is highly restricted. It is unlikely in the extreme that Asians and Hispanics will ever have gun ownership rates approaching that of whites given where they are coming from and where they are settling. This fact means that immigration unavoidably increases the share of the electorate that has no experience with guns. As a result, immigrants and their children will tend to be much more supportive of efforts to limit or even ban gun ownership.
Anti-gun Hispanics (besides conservative Cubans) will throw their weight behind presumed Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton: MSNBC reports that 69 percent would vote for her over runaway GOP frontrunner, Donald Trump. Clinton endorsed nationwide firearms confiscations earlier in October, telling an audience that Australia set “a good example” by stripping guns from law-abiding citizens after criminals slaughtered innocents.
Trump’s defense of the Second Amendment — along with the extraordinary proposal of nationwide reciprocity for concealed carry — would likely attract more white voters. A few more percentage points with whites would easily overcome minority votes against any GOP candidate, as conservative author Ann Coulter has repeatedly explained. Had Mitt Romney only won four more percent of the white vote in 2012, Barack Obama would have been a one-term president. And as Schlafly explained, appealing to all gun owners, period, will bring more voters to the Republican party.
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