Joe Biden Spending $1.6 Billion to Settle Migrant Youth, Children in U.S.

U.S. President Joe Biden holds his face mask as he speaks from the Treaty Room in the Whit
Andrew Harnik-Pool/Getty Images
Neil Munro

President Joe Biden’s deputies have awarded contracts worth up to $1.6 billion dollars to help foreign children and teenagers settle in the United States.

The one-year contracts signed by the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) include a contract worth up to $530 million to Family Endeavors Inc. starting March 17, a contract worth up to $719 million with Deployed Resources Inc. starting March 19, and a contract worth up to $198 million to Rapid Deployment Inc.

The contracts were first noted by Axios.

A Breitbart search on a government database produced more hits, such as a $13.6 million contract for Southwest Key Programs Inc. Another contract worth up to $103 million went to General Dynamics Information Technology Inc.

The Department of Homeland Security is also spending heavily to record and process the younger migrants, as well as the wave of adults who bring young children.

Both agencies may spend less than the maximum per contract — but can also sign more contracts during Biden’s four years in office.

In contrast, President Donald Trump turned away most migrants, so forcing more U.S. government attention on the interests of Americans.

The HHS contracts are being used to operate shelters where migrant teenagers and children are identified, enrolled in asylum lawsuits, and then handed over to so-called “sponsors” who promise to take care of them until they eventually face asylum judges. In reality, most of the migrant teenagers and children are looking for U.S. jobs or joining illegal-migrant parents and relatives who are already living in the United States.

For example, the Family Endeavors contract includes $86 million in taxpayers’ funds to rent hotel rooms for six months for approximately 1,200 families who cross the southern border.

The child-migration process is being used by progressives, business groups, illegal migrants, coyotes, cartels, and pro-migration media to widen the small asylum side-door in the nation’s immigration laws.

The post-1990 immigration laws normally accept roughly 1 million legal immigrants per year. That huge inflow delivers roughly 1 new migrant for every four Americans who turn 18. But Biden’s deputies want to dramatically raise the overall migration levels by adding more people via side doors, including the side doors for asylum seekers and refugees.

Business groups want the extra immigration because the arrivals serve as wage-capping workers, profit-boosting consumers, and high-occupancy urban renters. For example, the meatpacking industry prefers hiring migrants to invest in labor-saving machinery.

The migrant children are delivered to the border by coyotes and cartels, mostly under contract with the children’s parents who are living illegally in the United States. Once the children arrive at the border, they are relayed by the taxpayer-funded agencies to their illegal migrant parents throughout the United States.

The relay process ensures the U.S. government is providing free subcontracting services to the coyotes and cartels. For example, without the $1.6 billion in spending, the illegal migrant parents would have to fund the extra expense and legal risk of transporting their migrant children to new homes throughout the United States. “We’re complicit as a nation in human trafficking,” Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC) said at a March 26 press conference in Texas with 17 other GOP Senators.

The $1.5 billion in shelter contracts are merely the up-front costs of sheltering the many young migrants coming from Central America. Once admitted, the children and teenagers are expected to spur additional spending via welfare and education agencies.

State and local governments spend almost $60 billion per year helping to settle and support immigrants, according to a 2016 report by the National Academies of Sciences. Much of the extra spending flows to companies via contracts and consumer purchases.

The government’s financial support for migration disadvantages many unemployed and sidelined Americans in many ways.

Three-quarters of the young migrants are teenagers, most of whom are looking to get jobs to support their families in Central America.

The delivery of the migrant children encourages their illegal migrant parents to stay and work in the United States, so cutting the wage level and pushing Americans out of the workforce.

The spending for migrant children would otherwise go to the education and aid of U.S. children, including children of many underemployed Americans.

The government’s focus on the needs of foreign children — and their migrant parents — diverts elite attention from other pressing U.S. problems, including the many drug-caused “deaths of despair” of Americans in the poor central regions of the United States.

Those regions are suffering, in part, because many jobs were exported to China and other countries. But they are also suffering because the government rewards coastal investors and companies who hire cheap foreign migrants instead of recruiting Americans in poor districts.

For many years, a wide variety of pollsters have shown deep and broad opposition to labor migration and the inflow of temporary contract workers into jobs sought by young U.S. graduates. This opposition is multiracial, cross-sex, non-racist, class-based, intra-Democratic, rational, and recognizes the solidarity that Americans owe to each other.

The voter opposition to elite-backed economic migration coexists with support for legal immigrants and some sympathy for illegal migrants. But only a minority of Americans — mostly progressives — embrace the many skewed polls and articles that push the 1950’s corporate “Nation of Immigrants” claim.

The deep public opposition to labor migration is built on the widespread recognition that migration moves money away from most Americans’ pocketbooks and families. It moves money from employees to employers, from families to investors, from young to old, from children to their parents, from homebuyers to real estate investors, from Red states to Blue states, and from the central states to the coastal states such as New York.

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