Washington Post: Coyotes Schedule Migrant Deliveries to Help Federal Catch and Release

John Moore/Getty Images
John Moore/Getty Images
Neil Munro

The Mexico-based, cartel-backed coyotes schedule the delivery of their migrant clients to help President Joe Biden’s border agents efficiently catch and release those migrants to helpful non-profits and eager employers, according to the Washington Post.

The Post described the cross-border, catch-and-release coordination on July 8:

scouts working for smuggling organizations were visible on the hillsides above Nogales [Arizona] on a recent afternoon, brazenly directing the timing and location of crossing attempts.

Frustrated Border Patrol agents in Yuma said they were watched by smugglers on the Mexican side, too. Every time [U.S.] agents finished processing one large group and loaded them onto vans, a new group would arrive, as if the smugglers were staggering flights like air traffic controllers.

The Washington Post article includes many other damaging admissions about the scale of the cartels’ labor-trafficking operations that are conducted in cooperation with Biden’s Department of Homeland Security (DHS). The agency’s officials are directed by Biden’s appointee — the Cuban-born, pro-migration zealot, Alejandro Mayoras.

But the Post‘s editors hid the damaging admissions under a dull, drama-sucking, double-passive-voice, no-verb headline: “Across southern Arizona, a full range of border woes for Biden.”

Obscured by the boring headline, the Post admitted Biden’s border theater is inviting more migrants: “Border crossers are arriving from more countries and in greater numbers than ever, at the same time that Mexican migration has surged to levels not matched since the mid-2000s,” the article says. “The Biden administration’s reputation for permissiveness serve as draws” for migrants, the Post said.

The article showed how border patrol agents relay the coyotes’ migrants to U.S. pro-migration groups:

After [agent] processing in Yuma, some migrants are transported to the Casa Alitas Welcome Center in Tucson, operated by Catholic Community Services in a former juvenile detention center brightened by cheerful decor …  The shelter offered covid screenings, meals, WiFi access and travel coordination so migrants could purchase plane and bus tickets to their U.S. destinations.

The migrants are not fleeing persecution or war, but are seeking jobs that would otherwise go to Americans, the Post noted: “Everything in India is too expensive,” said Indian citizen Sanjay Salim Chodry told the Post. He brought his wife and kids, the paper said, adding: “Shelter staff handed his family plates of pasta and vegetables. ‘No meat, right?’ he asked, making sure the food was vegetarian.”

The border agency does little to deter or punish illegal migration, the Post said: “Migrants rarely face legal consequences for getting caught … and the odds they will face arrest and deportation if denied are low, government statistics show.”

Many of the migrants are excluded from the government’s monthly announcements, according to the Post: “The agency is recording about 1,000 such cases per day border-wide, according to a senior official who was not authorized to share the unpublished figures.” The agency’s media releases say Mayorkas has allowed 1.4 million migrants into the United States — but that extra 1,000 migrants per day suggests that at least 500,000 more migrants were not recorded in Mayorkas’ numbers.

The frankness is rare in the Washington Post, where most migration coverage focuses on the desires of migrants and their business-backed support groups.

One likely cause for the frankness in the article is that other interest groups in the Democratic Party — environmentalists, teachers, ethnic groups, unions, lawyers — realize that Mayorkas’ open-border theater may kill their priorities by giving the GOP a majority in the House. “Polls show immigration and border management are among Biden’s worst-rated issues, and video footage of the crossings in Yuma are featured in Republican ads,” the article says.

Still, the Post does exclude much other damaging drama, such as the record death rate among migrants seeking Mayorkas’ welcome at the border. It usually also ignores the other migrant inflows — legal immigrants, white-collar visa workers, contract workers, and refugees — that add another 2 million migrants to Biden’s inflow.

That nation-changing, poverty-expanding, media-ignored inflow is on track to deliver one migrant for every two Americans born during Biden’s tenure — unless GOP majorities in the House and the Senate bar spending in 2023 on Mayorkas proliferating pro-migration policies.

Extraction Migration

Since at least 1990, the D.C. establishment has extracted tens of millions of migrants and visa workers from poor countries to serve as legal or illegal workers, temporary workers, consumers, and renters for various U.S. investors and CEOs.

This federal economic policy of Extraction Migration has deeply damaged the free market in the United States because it inflates the labor supply for the benefit of employers.

The inflationary policy hurts ordinary Americans because makes it difficult for them to get married, advance in their careers, raise families, or buy homes.

Extraction migration has also slowed innovation and shrunk Americans’ productivity, partly because it allows employers to boost stock prices by using cheap stoop labor instead of productivity-boosting technology. Migration undermines employees’ workplace rights, and it widens the regional wealth gaps between the Democrats’ big coastal states and the Republicans’ heartland and southern states. The flood of cheap labor tilts the economy towards low-productivity jobs, and has shoved at least ten million American men out of the labor force.

An economy built on extraction migration also drains Americans’ political clout over elites, alienates young people, and radicalizes Americans’ democratic civic culture because it allows wealthy elites to ignore despairing Americans at the bottom of society.

A migrant family from Venezuela illegally crosses the Rio Grande River in Eagle Pass, Texas, at the border with Mexico on June 30, 2022. (CHANDAN KHANNA/AFP via Getty)

The economic policy is backed by progressives who wish to transform the U.S. from a society governed by European-origin civic culture into a progressive-directed empire of competitive, resentful identity groups. “We’re trying to become the first multiracial, multi-ethnic superpower in the world,” Rep. Rohit Khanna (D-CA) told the New York Times in March 2022. “It will be an extraordinary achievement … we will ultimately triumph,” he boasted.

The progressives’ colonialism-like economic strategy kills many migrants. It exploits poor foreigners and splits foreign families as it extracts human-resource wealth from poor home countries to serve wealthy U.S. investors. This migration policy also minimizes shareholder pressure on U.S. companies to build up beneficial and complementary trade with people in poor countries.

Business-backed migration advocates hide this extraction migration economic policy behind a wide variety of noble-sounding explanations and theatrical border security programs. For example, progressives claim that the U.S. is a “Nation of Immigrants,” that migration is good for migrants, and that the state must renew itself by replacing populations.

The polls show the public wants to welcome some immigration — but they also show deep and broad public opposition to labor migration and the inflow of temporary contract workers into jobs sought by young U.S. graduates.

The opposition is growing, anti-establishment, multiracial, cross-sex, non-racist, class-based, bipartisan, rational, persistent, and recognizes the solidarity that Americans owe to one another.

 

 

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