Poll: Almost 80 Percent of Democrats Oppose Tougher Asylum Rules

Immigrants wait for assistance with travel plans after being released from detention through the 'catch and release' immigration policy at a Catholic Charities relief centre on June 17, 2018 in McAllen, Texas. - They said they were separated for approximately six days while in detention. 'Catch and release' is a …
Loren Elliot/AFP/Getty Images

Almost 80 percent of Democrats want to preserve the current asylum rules — or even make it easier for migrants to get asylum, says a Washington Post poll.

“A 46 percent plurality of Republicans say asylum should be harder to claim, while Democrats are split between whether it should be left as it is now (40 percent) or made easier (38 percent),” the Post reported.

The overwhelming support among Democrats for the mass movement of economic migrants into the United States is a huge political problem for the Democrats, who need to win swing voters in the 2020 election — especially because the election may be conducted amid a record-breaking rush of migrants over the border.

For example, candidate Beto O’Rourke is apparently favoring foreign migrants over American voters. On April 27, he suggested the migrants were victims akin to African slaves brought into the United States, saying they are “kept in modern day bondage, their immigration status used as leverage to keep them down from fully participating in this country’s success and in our economy, an economy that works too well for too few and not well enough for most Americans.”

Similarly, congressional Democrats are likely to oppose a pending White House request for new border spending, according to Politico.

House Democrats — who have fought the White House’s immigration policies tooth and nail — are unlikely to even seriously consider the administration’s full request.

And Democrats will agree to add money only toward humanitarian efforts, according to one Democratic aide familiar with internal deliberations.

That means more money to improve detention facilities or to coordinate with nonprofits, for example, but no windfall for agencies like Immigration and Customs Enforcement, which some progressive Democrats have sought to gut.

A Democratic failure to support border security funding in 2o19 creates political risks for 2020.

Only 15 percent of Democrats say asylum rules should be tightened up, said the late April poll of 1,001 adults.

In contrast, 33 percent of adult independents believe asylum rules should be toughened. Twenty-eight percent say the rules should be eased, and 28 percent say the rules should be left as is.

Among Republicans, 46 percent say the rules should be tightened, 14 percent say the rules should be eased, and 32 say left as is.

However, the poll is likely underestimating voters’ support for a tougher stance.

Polls of adults show less GOP support than polls of voters. Also, the pollster only asked the voters for a simple response and did not probe for views they wish to hide, or for views that included the economic or civic impact of mass illegal migration. For example, the pollster did not ask about migration but asked about asylum, which most Americans understand as a valuable ideal.

Those hidden opinions are very important because they help explain how public opinion can quickly shift on the topic. In 2014, for example, poll ratings for former President Barack Obama fell dramatically amid his weak opposition to the sudden migration of Central Americans into the United States.

A Fox News poll in April indicated some of the hidden support for Trump’s immigration policies. The poll showed 52 percent of 1,005 registered voters said Trump’s policy on illegal immigrants is either “not tough enough” or “about right.” The same Fox poll also showed that 49 percent of respondents said the government is “not tough enough” or “about right” when responding to “migrants legally seeking asylum in the U.S.”

When trying to shape public opinion, business groups and Democrats tout the misleading, industry-funded “Nation of Immigrants” polls which pressure Americans to say they welcome migrants, including the roughly 670,000 DACA illegals.

But the alternative “priority or fairness” polls — plus the 2016 election — show that voters in the polling booth put a much higher priority on helping their families, neighbors, and fellow nationals get decent jobs in a high-tech, high-immigrationlow-wage economy.

Roughly 100,000 migrant adults and children crossed the border in March.

In the 12 months up to October, roughly one million poor migrants are expected to use the various catch and release loopholes — including requests for asylum — to stay and work in the United States for at least several years.

The migrants use the loopholes to take jobs in blue-collar workplaces, so forcing down wages for blue-collar Americans. The migrants also send their kids to the schools used by blue-collar Americans, so damaging the education received by American kids. The migrants, however, provide cheap labor for white-collar Americans, including immigration lawyers.

Roughly 800,000 migrants are into the United States waiting for asylum hearings, which can be delayed for several years.

Migrants need to work because most have taken on debt to buy their travel tickets from the cartel-backed smuggling groups. If they do not repay the debt, the cartels’ lending divisions will legally take possession of their mortgaged farms and houses, often making their spouses and children homeless.

Even migrants with children can get jobs in the United States, partly because they can send their children to schools for education, daycare, and food, even if the kids do not speak English. Few of the migrants’ children are sent to schools in the wealthy districts that tend to vote Democratic.

Trump’s officials are using a variety of steps to disrupt this cartel business. One recent policy prevents migrants from getting U.S. jobs by forcing them to wait in Mexico until their asylum claims are heard in U.S. courts. But the are policy is being attacked in a California court by the pr0-migration U.S. lawyers who find themselves working alongside the cartel smugglers who collectively earn roughly $2.3 billion a year from their labor trafficking business.


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